After reading the entire book, I came to a realisation that this lovely work by Mr. Norris is not just a simple collection of photographs and images. It is a hallowed testament to the eternal human aspiration to leave a mark of his own in this world before vanishing into the flames of war. It is a book that reminds us that soldiers are not killing machines who mercilessly slew their enemies on the battlefield but human beings with a heart and a soul.
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The liberal arts and sciences serve as a core part of the educational discipline in nursing curriculum and are believed to undergird abilities for critical-thinking, creativity, and holistic care (Hermann, 2004; McKie, 2012). Over time, science has taken on a more central role in nursing education, despite the acknowledged importance and contributions of liberal arts. The humanities are an essential part of liberal arts education and generally include disciplines such as history, literature, religion, philosophy, architecture, or fine arts (e.g., music, painting, sculpture, drama, or film) (Hermann, 2004). Nursing students identify that liberal arts improve their skills to communicate, think globally, navigate diversity, make decisions, and improve their human selves (McKie, 2012), therefore the purposeful inclusion of liberal arts and humanities into nursing pedagogy should be assured. Schools of nursing seated within liberal arts universities are in a position to take advantage of campus environments that seek to improve student knowledge, skills, abilities, and values (Scott, 2014). When caring for patients with complex medical, psychosocial, spiritual, and economic concerns, the ability to differentiate between what is true among a myriad of competing issues, and to identify solutions to these problems, are critical skills (Scott, 2014). This manuscript describes one type of focused effort by school of nursing (SON) faculty to integrate the humanities on a small, liberal arts campus into the nursing curriculum. The desire to do this led to a large, interdisciplinary project intended to enhance campus, community, faculty, and student opportunities to understand and ponder the complexities involved in caring for patients with Alzheimer's disease (AD).
Our course covers a wide spectrum of art and architecture from all over the world, from antiquity to modern and contemporary periods. The aim is to foster a wide and deep understanding of art and architecture, and to help you develop visual literacy and awareness, as well as a range of critical and analytical skills.
In a world in which visual imagery has never been more widely used or had greater currency, our graduates, with their sophisticated visual acumen, are well-equipped for a vast array of careers. Notable examples include employment in museums and galleries, the care and conservation of monuments and heritage management, fine art dealing, publishing, advertising, written and broadcast journalism and teaching.
The book was written by the General and great military strategist Sun Tzu. It is one of the most read books in history. Despite being more than 2,500 years old, its principles and advice can be applied to the military, political, business and individual spheres today.
These websites have primary sources documents from a range of time periods and regions of the world. Take care when using Internet sites for primary sources, since most sources contain both primary and secondary texts. Be sure you have properly identified your document.
It is said that the history of peoples who have a history is the history of class struggle. It might be said with at least as much truthfulness, that the history of peoples without history is a history of their struggle against the state.
The huge literature on state-making, contemporary and historic, pays virtually no attention to its obverse: the history of deliberate and reactive statelessness. This is the history of those who got away, and state-making cannot be understood apart from it. This is also what makes this an anarchist history.
Avoiding the state was, until the past few centuries, a real option. A thousand years ago most people lived outside state structures, under loose-knit empires or in situations of fragmented sovereignty.[11] Today it is an option that is fast vanishing. To appreciate how the room for maneuver has been drastically curtailed in the past millennium, a radically schematic and simplified fast-forward history of the balance of power between stateless peoples and states may be helpful.
Zomia, at first glance, would seem an unlikely candidate for consideration as a distinctive region. The premise for calling a geographical area a region is typically that it shares important cultural features that mark it off from adjacent areas. In this fashion, Fernand Braudel was able to show that the coastal societies around the Mediterranean Sea constituted a region, owing to their long and intense commercial and cultural connections.[30] Despite political and religious chasms between, say, Venice and Istanbul, they were integral parts of a recognizable world of exchange and mutual influence. Anthony Reid has made a similar, and in many respects, more powerful claim for the Sunda Shelf littoral in maritime Southeast Asia, where trade and migration were, if anything, easier than in the Mediterranean.[31] The principle behind region-making in each case is that, for the premodern world, water, especially if it is calm, joins people, whereas mountains, especially if they are high and rugged, divide people. As late as 1740 it took no more time to sail from Southampton to the Cape of Good Hope than to travel by stagecoach from London to Edinburgh.
What blocks a clear view of the peoples of mainland Southeast Asia for most of their history is the state: classical, colonial, and independent. While a state-centric view of, say, the past fifty years might be justified, it represents a gross distortion of earlier periods. The earlier the period, the greater the distortion. For most of its history, Southeast Asia has been marked by the relative absence even of valley states. Where they arose, they tended to be remarkably short-lived, comparatively weak outside a small and variable radius of the court center, and generally unable systematically to extract resources (including manpower) from a substantial population. Indeed, interregna, far from being uncommon, were more protracted than regna, and, before the colonial period, a welter of petty principalities allowed much of the population to shift their residences and loyalties to their advantage or to move to a zone of no sovereignty or of mutually canceling sovereignties.
The concentration of manpower was the key to political power in premodern Southeast Asia. It was the first principle of statecraft and the mantra of virtually every history of precolonial kingdoms in the region. Creating such state space was easiest where there was a substantial expanse of flat, fertile land, watered by perennial streams and rivers and, better yet, not far from a navigable waterway. Tracing the far-reaching logic of state spaces will help distinguish the fundamental differences between manpower-poor, land-rich political systems on the one hand and land-poor, manpower-rich systems on the other.
This pattern of economic mutuality has been most elaborately described in the Malay world, where it typically takes the form of exchange between upstream (hulu) and downstream (hilir) zones of a watershed. Huluhilir systems of this kind are based on the products each zone, owing to its agro-economic location, can supply the other. Many are of great antiquity. The lowland center in the Malay case is, as we have seen, typically located near the mouth of a river or at the confluence of two rivers. Its position, like that of a settlement dominating an important mountain pass on a trade route, is something of a natural monopoly, allowing it to dominate the trade along the entire watershed from this choke point. The lowland center functions as an entrepôt, exchanging lowland and overseas products for the upriver and forest products coming down the watershed.[262]
Though such mimicry may have done little to improve the day-to-day power of the lowland courts, it did have an important bearing on the texture of hill-valley relations. First, it connected the lowland courts and their monarch to a universalizing, ecumenical, and charismatic center. Much as the Romans used Greek, the early French court used Latin, the Russian aristocracy and court used French, and the Vietnamese court used Chinese script and Confucianism, so the use of Sanskritic forms staked a claim to participation in a transethnic, transregional, and indeed, transhistorical civilization.[281] Even when vernacular scripts made an appearance shortly after the first millennium CE, the Sanskritic flourishes remained, and translations of the cosmopolitan classics of the Sanskritic and Pali world preceded even the translation of the Buddhist canon. Unlike the court cultures (as in southern India) that are largely elaborations and refinements of rituals and beliefs that already exist in the local vernacular tradition, the Indic courts of Southeast Asia were self-consciously modeled on an external, universalizing center.
The perspective we propose for understanding Zomia is not novel. A similar case has been made for many regions of the world, large and small, where expanding kingdoms have forced threatened populations to choose between absorption and resistance. Where the threatened population was itself organized into state forms, resistance might well take the shape of military confrontation. If defeated, the vanquished are absorbed or migrate elsewhere. Where the population under threat is stateless, its choices typically boil down to absorption or flight, the latter often accompanied by rearguard skirmishes and raids.[338]
Any effort to examine the history of social structure and subsistence routines as part of a deliberate political choice runs smack against a powerful civilizational narrative. That narrative consists of a historical series arranged as an account of economic, social, and cultural progress. With respect to livelihood strategies, the series, from most primitive to most advanced, might be: foraging/hunting-gathering, pastoral nomadism, horticulture/shifting cultivation, sedentary fixed-field agriculture, irrigated plow agriculture, industrial agriculture. With respect to social structure, again from the most primitive to most advanced, the series might read: small bands in the forest or savannah, hamlets, villages, towns, cities, metropolises. These two series are, of course, essentially the same; they chart a growing concentration of agricultural production (yield per unit of land) and a growing concentration of population in larger agglomerations. First elaborated by Giovanni Battista Vico at the beginning of the eighteenth century, the narrative derives its hegemonic status not only from its affinity with social Darwinism but from the fact that it maps nicely on the stories most states and civilizations tell about themselves. The schema assumes movement in a single direction toward concentrated populations and intensive grain production; no backsliding is envisioned; each step is irreversible progress. 2ff7e9595c
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